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To examine the impact of individual differences in status concerns (i.e., about masculinity, attractiveness, and wealth) on gay and bisexual men's feelings of within-community exclusion, a series of experiments manipulated (a) the sexual orientation (gay vs. 01) and mediated the association between one's gay community status and mental health.
Being stressed by perceiving the gay community's focus on sex, focus on status, focus on competition, and exclusion of diversity predicted gay and bisexual men's mental health over-and-above a comprehensive battery of traditional minority stressors (β =. We first created a measure of gay community stress with items derived from qualitative interviewing (n = 49) calculated its psychometric properties, including 1-year temporal stability (n = 937) and confirmed its structural stability in distinct samples (n = 96 n = 1,413). In a multistage study, we delineated intraminority gay community stress theory-that status-focused elements of the gay community challenge the mental health of gay and bisexual men. Gay and bisexual men might face unique, status-based competitive pressures given that their social and sexual relationships often occur with other men, who are known to compete for social and sexual gain. The Black boys and Black girls are most positioned to obtain occupations that reproduce their ascribed social status, while the White youth are poised to improve their socioeconomic conditions. The findings also suggest that school members (via youth and staff renderings) and non-profit staff interacted with these three subcultures in significantly different ways, shaping the educational experiences and occupational opportunities of homeless youth through formal and informal means. These subcultures provided (mostly unvalued) social capital and a sense of belonging. The homeless youth formed three distinct subcultures based on their aspirations, social identities, and past experiences?the Homeboys, the Sistergirls, and the EmoCores. The youths? identities, particularly the intersections of race and gender, shaped their professed aspirations of ?ballin?or living extravagantly and aggressively?in distinct, albeit fantastical ways. Several findings emerged from the analyses. My method of analysis involved an iterative process between data collection, coding, and memo generation as informed by constant comparative analysis. Data consists of 25 homeless young adult interviews, 12 nonprofit organizational staff interviews, and over 150 hours of participant observation.
This year-long study set in the suburbs of a major metropolitan area employs ethnographic methods (i.e., semi-structured interviews and participant observations) to capture the complex, situated experiences of homeless youth. More specifically, I investigated the adolescents? past school experiences and present educational statuses, examined the supports and obstacles to their expectations and aspirations, and considered how their future life chances are influenced by the articulation of care in institutional settings. race, class, gender, homeless status) and their interactions with schools and Empower, a nonprofit organization.
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